Thursday, 27 June 2013

The 1% and moral absolutism


Harvard economist Greg Mankiw’s paper in defence of current levels of income inequality have been widely attacked: Jon Chiat skewers him as effectively as anyone here and here.  But there’s one particular piece of Mankiw’s argument that intrigues me.
Mankiw, like Robert Nozick before him, attacks utlilitariansim on the grounds that a perfectly utilitatian society would be a horrible place.  But this argument completely fails to grasp the nature of society.  We might like to maximise welfare (utilitarianism); we might also like to maximise economic growth, protect property rights, and free people from oppressive government.  The problem is that some of these goals are contradictory.  Growth that benefited only a few, and impoverished everyone else, would hardly be desirable; absoulte property rights create a tyranny of the property owners over everyone else; even Nozick accepted that a world without any government would be a Hobbesian nightmare, where the war of all against all prevailed and life was nasty, brutish and short.  Indeed, compared to these models, Mankiw’s arguments appear to be arguments for ultitarianism in the form of Churchill’s famous argument in favour of demoncracy; horrific but less so than any of the alternatives.
But in fact, we’re not in such a bad shape.  This is because we can aim for a compromise society, where we balance our different objectives. The argument for a certain level of additional redistribution is based on the notion that the current imbalances of wealth in our society are (i) not widely beneficial and (ii) that the downside of doing so is outweighted by the upside.  As practically no-one is arguing for 100% top tax rates, the point that a perfectly utilitarian society would be unwelcome is completely irrelevent.  Alternatively, one can think of this as a form of meta-utilitariansim, in which among the benefits to be maximised include growth, property and freedom, as well as wealth; the case for limits to redistribution can also be seen in ulititarian terms.
The strange thing about Mankiw’s argument is that the notion that individuals choose between alternatives, and how much more of something we might want depends on how much of it we already have (and how much we are lacking in our other desires) is one of the most basic principles of economics.  You get a pay increase and you buy a car; once you have a car, you spend your next pay increase on a better house, or nicer food, and so on. Mankiw’s argument (that a little utliitarianism is bad because you wouldn’t want a wholly utilitarian society) is like saying you shouldn’t by a car with your pay rise because you wouldn’t want to spend all your money on automobiles. Indeed, it’s hard to see how economics can work without some sort of (opportunity) cost – benefit going on, the sort of calculation that Mankiw derides as impossible to perform. One of his arguments is that you can’t show redistribution actually increases welfare, because the benefits cannot be measured – whereas the whole basis of economics is that people are capable, at least approximately, of personal utility maximalisation.
Nozick has been here before Mankiw, and I think that some of the explanation of the apparent idiocy lies in the heart of libertarian politcs. The appeal of libertarianism is based on its logical consistency: take one principle, the primacy of property, and extend that to constructing a vision of a coherent society.  But human society is a complex place, and its arguable that no simple principle is alone sufficient to describe the sort of world in which we might actually want to live. Showing extreme utilitarianism is logically absurd, whereas extreme libertariansim is not, might appear to be a victory to those aiming to reduce ethics to logic.  But the theoretical possibility of a purely libertarian world does not make one desirable; except to those who crave intellectual certainty where none exists; and  also, of course, to the owners of property who stand to benefit the most from having their rights recognised as absolute.

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